Latest Articles


23.05.2012
Eurozine Review

A protest of Scrooges

"Kulturos barai" talks to Daniel Chirot about modernity, crisis and ideology; "NZ" plots the new Russian class-consciousness; "Le Monde diplomatique" (Oslo) asks which way the middle class will swing; "Wespennest" explains what anarchism can do for you; "Dilema Veche" recalls better days for Romanian journalism; "Reset" abandons print for web; "Letras Libres" reveals the political Borges; "dérive" rescues the bungalow from historical oblivion; and "Vikerkaar" profiles Estonian situationist duo Johnson & Johnson. [ more ]

22.05.2012
Daniel Chirot, Almantas Samalavicius

Ideology never ends

22.05.2012
Anna Aslanyan, Stewart Home

Moving the goalposts

21.05.2012
Jacques Rupnik

The euro crisis: Central European lessons

21.05.2012
Kenan Malik

To name the unnameable


New Issues


22.05.2012

Le Monde diplomatique (Oslo) | 5/2012

Quo vadis, middelklassen? [Quo vadis, middle class?]

Eurozine Review


23.05.2012
Eurozine Review

A protest of Scrooges

"Kulturos barai" talks to Daniel Chirot about modernity, crisis and ideology; "NZ" plots the new Russian class-consciousness; "Le Monde diplomatique" (Oslo) asks which way the middle class will swing; "Wespennest" explains what anarchism can do for you; "Dilema Veche" recalls better days for Romanian journalism; "Reset" abandons print for web; "Letras Libres" reveals the political Borges; "dérive" rescues the bungalow from historical oblivion; and "Vikerkaar" profiles Estonian situationist duo Johnson & Johnson.

09.05.2012
Eurozine Review

Sudden and slow-acting poisons

18.04.2012
Eurozine Review

Not a Prospero in sight

21.03.2012
Eurozine Review

To hell in a handbasket



http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2011-05-02-newsitem-en.html
http://mitpress.mit.edu/0262025248
http://www.eurozine.com/about/who-we-are/contact.html
http://www.n-ost.org
http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2009-12-02-newsitem-en.html

My Eurozine


If you want to be kept up to date, you can subscribe to Eurozine's rss-newsfeed or our Newsletter.

Articles
Share |


The intolerance of the tolerant

The advance of populist anti-Islamic forces in the liberal bastions of northern Europe – Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden – appears to reflect a betrayal of these societies' renowned social tolerance. But there is a more subtle logic at work, says Cas Mudde.

The entry of the Sweden Democrats into the Swedish parliament after the elections of 19 September 2010 means that Europe's last "bastion of tolerance" has fallen. When radical-right parties[1] were making significant electoral gains elsewhere in the 1980s and 1990s, voters in the traditional liberal countries of northern Europe – such as Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden – were resistant to their claims. Now the first two are among the most accommodating of intolerance: the Danish People's Party of Pia Kjćrsgaard has been a solid supporter of right-wing minority governments[2] in Denmark since 2001, while the PVV[3] (Party for Freedom) of Geert Wilders[4] has begun playing a similar role in the Netherlands.

But is it really the case that the former "bastions of tolerance" have become[5] as intolerant (or even more so) than other European countries; and, if so, why did it take them so long? Or is there something else at play?

A closer look at the results of research into European citizens' attitudes suggests a more complex and interesting picture. Most such surveys show Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden still to be among the most tolerant countries in Europe (and, by extension, the world). A Eurobarometer poll (admittedly conducted before the most recent right-wing advances, and indeed European Union enlargements) found that an average of 14 per cent of people across the EU were classified as intolerant – more than in the Netherlands (11 per cent) and Sweden (9 per cent), though in Denmark the figure was 20 per cent.

In addition these countries scored high on the index of those judged to be either "passively" or "actively" tolerant: against an EU average of 60 per cent, Sweden scored 76 per cent (just below the highest, Spain), and Denmark recorded 64 per cent. They also continue to be most in favour of gay rights and gender equality.

Against this, there is some evidence that Denmark[6] and the Netherlands[7] at least do stand out on the measure of negative attitudes towards Muslims (though regrettably, there are few relevant surveys which include any of the three countries under scrutiny). A Pew survey of May 2005 rated the Dutch as among the most anti-Muslim on some indicators; and both the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI)[8] and the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC)[9] have singled out the Netherlands (and to a lesser extent Denmark) for their Islamophobic political and public climate.

These (again, admittedly partial) findings indicate that the "former"[10] bastions of tolerance in fact are still tolerant – just not toward[11] Muslims. Moreover, in this particular intolerance toward a religious group they outdo generally less tolerant other European countries. Why?

A possible explanation, counterintuitive as it might seem, is that it is because of their overall social tolerance – rather than despite it – that these countries have become among the most openly Islamophobic.

The elements of change

The logic of the argument is threefold: relating to nationalism, conformism, and tolerance itself.

First, in all three countries tolerance was closely associated with a negative attitude toward ethnic nationalism and a self-perception of being that unique thing, a "non-nationalist nation". In part because of the particular way the countries dealt with their experience of the second world war, nationalism was linked almost intrinsically with Nazism and the Holocaust. Hence, ethnic-national discourses (let alone racial ones) were suspect, and shunned by all but the ostracised extreme right. So, whereas radical-right parties in countries such as Austria, Belgium, or France could relate their anti-immigrant struggle to more broadly shared national narratives, this option was not available in Denmark, the Netherlands, or Sweden.

Second, most everyday citizens in these countries self-identified as tolerant, and would in any case self-censor where this was felt necessary; but in addition, their elite had a special weapon in its struggle to keep politics "politically correct" – conformity. After all, northern Europe is as well known for its conformity (which traditionally includes a high trust in state actors and institutions) as for its tolerance. The often genuinely pro-multicultural elites were able to keep the immigration issue off the agenda, because the most intolerant people were also the most conformist (this is shown in the case of the Netherlands by Paul Sniderman & Louk Hagendoorn, When Ways of Life Collide: Multiculturalism and Its Discontents in the Netherlands (2007).[12]

Third, the countries under scrutiny (Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden[13]) and their close neighbours have traditionally been – and still are – among the most tolerant[14] in Europe, particularly regarding issues such as women's rights and gay rights. In addition, they are now among Europe's least[15] religious societies, with a dominant secular majority and formerly influential religious interests now politically marginalised. In this context, it is easy to construct Islam both as a threat to the national way of life, and to liberal democracy as it is understood in these countries.

The argument is twofold. First, after decades of secularisation, Islam is a (rapidly) growing religion that threatens the secular consensus by bringing religious issues back onto the public agenda. Second, (orthodox) Islam – and vocal Muslims – openly challenge local beliefs on gender equality and gay rights, which are regarded as fundamental aspects of liberal democracy in these countries. Hence, it is the tolerant liberal democrats who oppose the intolerant Muslims.

The implication is that the recent rise of anti-Islam sentiment in northern Europe is proof neither of the end of tolerance in Europe nor the Europeanisation of ethnic nationalism. It is instead an outpouring of the intolerance of the tolerant, long (self-)censored by a political culture of anti-nationalism and conformity. The fact that (orthodox) Muslims can be opposed with a liberal-democratic discourse – rather than an ethnic-nationalist one – makes it at last politically acceptable (and increasingly politically correct) to express ethnic prejudice in these countries.


This text is based on the Einaudi Chair Lecture, given by the author at Cornell University.

 



Published 2010-10-29


Original in English
First published in openDemocracy 20 October 2010 (English version)

Contributed by openDemocracy
© Cas Mudde / openDemocracy
© Eurozine
 

Focal points     click for more

The EU: Broken or just broke?

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/focalpoints/eurocrisis.html
Brought on by the global economic recession, the eurocrisis has been exacerbated by serious faults built into the monetary union. In a new Eurozine focal point, contributors discuss whether the EU is not only broke, but also broken -- and if so, whether Europe's leaders are up to the task of fixing it. [more]

European histories (2): Concord and conflict

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/focalpoints/eurohistories2.html
Broadening the question of a common European narrative beyond the East-West divide. How are contested interpretations of historical and recent events activated in the present, uniting and dividing European societies? [more]

Changing media -- Media in change

Media change is about more than just the "newspaper crisis" and the iPad: property law, privacy, free speech and the functioning of the public sphere are all affected. On a field experiencing profound and constant transformation. [more]

Support Eurozine     click for more

If you appreciate Eurozine's work and would like to support our contribution to the establishment of a European public sphere, see information about making a donation.

Editor's choice     click for more

Slavenka Drakulic
The tune of the future
Italy: old Europe, new Europe, changing Europe

http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2012-03-15-drakulic-en.html
Travelling around Italy, Slavenka Drakulic observes one kind of Europe being replaced by another. Instead of attempting to conserve the cultural past, we should accept that migration will adapt much of what we consider "European" to its own image. [more]

Klaus-Michael Bogdal
Europe invents the Gypsies
The dark side of modernity

Social segregation, cultural appropriation: the six-hundred-year history of the European Roma, as recorded in literature and art, represents the underside of the European subject's self-invention as agent of civilising progress in the world. [more]

George Prevelakis
Greece: The history behind the collapse

Greece's economic crisis has its roots in a political pact dating back to the foundation of the modern state. The threat posed to Europe by the Greek breakdown is less contagion than a wave of anti-western feeling. [more]

Debate series     click for more

Europe talks to Europe

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/europetalkstoeurope.html
Nationalism in Belgium might be different from nationalism in Ukraine, but if we want to understand the current European crisis and how to overcome it we need to take both into account. The debate series "Europe talks to Europe" is an attempt to turn European intellectual debate into a two-way street. [more]

Literature     click for more

Steve Sem-Sandberg
Even nameless horrors must be named

http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2011-09-23-semsandberg-en.html
It is high time to lift the aesthetic state of emergency that has surrounded witness literature for so long, writes Steve Sem-Sandberg. It is not important who writes, nor even what their motives are. What counts is the "literary efficiency". [more]

Literary perspectives
The re-transnationalization of literary criticism

Eurozine's series of essays aims to provide an overview of diverse literary landscapes in Europe. Covered so far: Croatia, Sweden, Austria, Estonia, Ukraine, Northern Ireland, Slovenia, the Netherlands and Hungary. [more]

Behind the headlines     click for more

Mykola Riabchuk
Tymoshenko: Wake-up call for the EU

The EU shouldn't be surprised by the Tymoshenko verdict: its support of anything nominally reformist has been perceived as acceptance of a range of repressions, argues Mykola Riabchuk. [more]

Conferences     click for more

Eurozine emerged from an informal network dating back to 1983. Since then, European cultural magazines have met annually in European cities to exchange ideas and experiences. Around 100 journals from almost every European country are now regularly involved in these meetings.
Arrivals/Departures: European harbour cities as places of migration
The 24th European Meeting of Cultural Journals
Hamburg, 14-16 September 2012

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/hamburg2012.html
Harbour cities as places of movement, of immigration and emigration, as places of inclusion and exclusion, develop distinct modes of being that not only reflect different cultural traditions and political and social self-conceptions, but also communicate how they see themselves as part of the structure that is "Europe". The 2012 Eurozine conference will explore how European societies deal variously with the cultural legacy of the "harbour city". [more]

Multimedia     click for more

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/multimedia.html
Multimedia section including videos of past Eurozine conferences in Vilnius (2009) and Sibiu (2007). [more]


powered by publick.net