Latest Articles

Seyla Benhabib, Slawomir Sierakowski

Nobody wants to be a refugee

A conversation with Seyla Benhabib

The current crisis is generating the myth of borders as controlled, says Seyla Benhabib. But this is only a myth. It is a fact that states are escaping their obligations under international and European law; while migrants themselves may help keep the social peace between classes. [ more ]

Eurozine Review

If the borders were porous

Sofi Oksanen

A lion in a cage

Jamie Bartlett

Under the radar

New Issues


A2 | 20 (2015)

Sebereflexivní filmy [Self-reflexive films]

Mittelweg 36 | 5/2015

Schwerter zu Pflugscharen - Veteranenpolitik und Wohlfahrtsstaatlichkeit

Esprit | 10/2015

Eurozine Review

Eurozine Review

If the borders were porous

"Index on Censorship" compares yesterday's spies with those in the new machines; "Krytyka Polityczna" speaks to Seyla Benhabib; "Kultura Liberalna" detects Soviet heritage in CEE responses to refugee crisis; "Krytyka" reassesses the Europe of rules and the Europe of values; "Fronesis" returns to the origins of the family; "Dziejaslou" tracks down an opposition presidential candidate in Belarus; "Varlik" considers September a troubled month in Turkish history; and "Revista Crítica" critiques progress without development in the Amazon.

Eurozine Review

That which one does not entirely possess

Eurozine Review

A narrative of strength and resilience

Eurozine Review

Still outraged and seeking alternatives

Eurozine Review

Something has to give, soon

My Eurozine

If you want to be kept up to date, you can subscribe to Eurozine's rss-newsfeed or our Newsletter.

Share |

Stuttgart 21: Back to the future

Stuttgart's residents are furious over plans to convert the city's existing rail terminus into an underground through-station. In October, 150 000 demonstrators gathered in the city's central park, which will disappear if building goes ahead. Supporters of the prestige project argue that the conversion of the station, together with the construction of a new high-speed stretch, is essential if Stuttgart is to become a stopping point on the new "magistrale" between Paris and Budapest. Yet critics point to exorbitant costs, misguided rail policy and misuse of public funds.

Two-hundred-and-fifty km/h from Stuttgart main station across the Schwäbische Alb – that's what Baden-Württemburg's political establishment have been dreaming about since 1994. Yet it's not certain that Stuttgart's railway terminus really will have been converted into an underground through-station by 2019. Public ire at Stuttgart 21 is growing and construction costs have exploded in the last few years. Estimated at 4.8 billion deutschmarks in 1995, a calculation in December 2009 put the cost at 4.1 billion euros.[1] Then there is the additional 2.9 billion euros for the 60 km high-speed stretch between Wendlingen and Ulm, an essential component of Stuttgart 21.

A look behind the scenes of one of the most costly infrastructure projects in Europe reveals why the debate has received attention beyond the region. Munich and Frankfurt stations had also been part of Deutsche Bahn's plans for Project 21. There too, the idea was to move the platforms underground, thus freeing up attractive downtown real estate for sale via DB Services Immobilien GmbH. The project was scrapped both in the Bavarian capital as well as in Hessen's financial metropolis because of the exorbitant costs. In July 2007, however, Stuttgart 21 was given the political blessing at the local, regional and federal levels.

Those who support the conversion of the 16-platform terminus into an 8-platform through-station refer enthusiastically to the reductions in travel time it would bring. Stuttgart 21 and the construction of the high-speed intercity stretch between Wendlingen and Ulm would shorten the journey to Munich main station by 26 minutes. Yet this calculation fails to mention that in 1995 – when the tracks were still regularly maintained and modernized – trains travelling from Stuttgart to Munich could cover the distance in 2 hours and 1 minute. Today, they need 2 hours and 20 minutes.

Moreover, freight transport is in danger of ending up on the sidings. On the steeper ascents, the new route is only suitable for goods trains with a maximum weight of 1000 tonnes and a length of 500 metres. Such trains barely run anymore, however: even ones used in "combined transport", which are significantly lighter than freight-only trains, weigh on average a total of 1400 tonnes, and will continue to get heavier.[2] Supporters of Stuttgart 21 call it a central limb of the "Magistrale for Europe" between Paris and Budapest. Yet why isn't the acceleration of rail transport through improvements to interoperability backed with the same passion? In Europe there are still three different gauge-widths, fifteen different automatic train control systems and six different electricity systems.

Misguided rail policy

Talk is now of "Merkel's mess", while the political future of Baden-Württemberg's Minister President, Stefan Mappus (Christian Democratic Union), depends on the project being seen through. This goes to show how Stuttgart 21 is seen by many as a symbol of the failure of rail policy at the federal level. Although around 90 per cent of all train journeys are made on local rail, i.e. routes of less than fifty km or journeys lasting under an hour, it attracts only 10 per cent of all transport-related investments.[3] Nine out of 10 euros are invested in the development of long-distance travel – despite stagnating passenger revenue.[4]

The "hub and spoke" strategy, whereby maximum speed is raised not across the route as a whole but over particular stretches, is of no avail. All too often, travelling time made up on high-speed stretches is lost because of poor connections with local networks. This, despite that fact that Germany's polycentric urban structure seems predestined for a close-knit rail network able to catch "as many fish on the transport market as possible".[5] The back-down from blanket rail coverage accompanies the targeting of a specific clientele: business passengers who, as (potential) first-class customers, want WLAN connections and mobile telephone reception as well as exclusive service in the DB "lounges". After the appointment of former DB managing director Hartmut Mehdorn in December 1996, the self-styled "company of the future" gave up on blanket rail coverage that democratizes fast travel for all, instead of monopolizing it for a small minority.

Freight transport also loses out from the market-oriented move away from blanket rail coverage. Politicians from all parties have been declaring their intention to move freight transport from the roads onto the tracks for decades, yet since 1992 the number of industrial rail connections has been cut by over two-thirds. The Rhine Valley stretch is the most important German freight connection between the Baltic and the Mediterranean. Yet because it has only two rather than four tracks, it still creates a bottleneck for European freight transport. Investment delays resulting from the horrendous expenses caused by large-scale projects such as Stuttgart 21 or new lines such as the inter-city stretch between Nuremberg, Erfurt and Halle, or Wendlingen and Ulm, need to be made up for in full. Otherwise, freight transport will continue to be transferred to the motorways, despite lorry tolls, eco-tax and rising fuel prices.

The aim to get railways to take on a larger share of transport needs to be pursued not via a few supposedly prestigious large-scale projects, but through intelligent networking of local and long-distance transport, greater frequency of trains and increased coverage. Only then can rail policy be successful. An example might be the Swiss national railway system, where the time-honoured rule of transport science – "Supply creates demand" – has been rigorously applied. After a popular referendum in 1987, trains were modernized, rail bottlenecks relieved and the various sub-systems of public transport linked up more closely still. The Swiss rail system is the most heavily-used in Europe, yet 95 per cent of trains arrive with variations to the timetable no greater than four minutes. In Germany, that would only be possible if the locomotives were maintained more frequently, if platforms were improved on an ongoing basis, and if the "segregation" of passenger and freight transport was made a priority.

Market compatibility as leitmotif

Like the construction of Berlin's 1.1 billion euro main station, Stuttgart 21 is the expression of a new railway-station culture. The capitalization of the German railways results in train stations forfeiting their character as public spaces and cultural monuments; new designs transform what were once everyman's "entrance to the city" into "shopping worlds with rail access" patrolled by private security firms.[6] The symbolic value and emotional significance railway stations have for the rail system as a whole cannot be overestimated. If the facades of station buildings begin to crumble, if platforms are riddled with holes and if poorly-lit underpasses stink of urine, then even the most enthusiastic train passenger is put off. It can only be hoped that the 300 million euros that DB has received via the stimulus package will indeed flow into the modernization of small and medium-sized stations.

The goal of capital market compatibility firmly in its sights, DB is forging ahead with the sale of station buildings and the break-up of assets, thus increasing its returns. Between 1994 and 2006, more than 1200 station buildings were sold and several hundred closed; in the mid to long term, a further 1800 of the remaining 2400 concourse-style stations are earmarked for sale and/or closure. The idea is that platforms, ticket machines and waiting rooms are all that need to be retained, meaning that the erstwhile emblems of cities and communities will continue to lose their significance. The density of stations has already sunk drastically: in the 1960s, the average distance between stations in West Germany was 4.1 kilometres; today, there is a station only every seven kilometres – on a railway network that has shrunk by a third since 1994.

Uproar in Stuttgart

The protests against Stuttgart 21, which have grown out of the "Monday demonstrations" held since November 2009, have long since ceased to be directed only against the "speedway in the sticks".[7] "Water canons, truncheons and pepper spray has served only to drive even more people onto the barricades" commented the Speigel recently.[8]

Feeling their sense of democracy violated, Stuttgarters have been demonstrating in their thousands. They have had to watch the civic come to nothing and citizens' participation turn into a farce. The "Association against Stuttgart 21" has been able to collect over 61 000 valid signatures, despite the fact that a third of that would have been enough to successfully call a referendum. Yet the Stuttgart city council rejected the application on legal grounds by 45 votes to 15. This angered many residents: Stuttgart's mayor at the time, Wolfgang Schuster (Christian Democratic Union) had declared his intention to back a referendum if the city of Stuttgart were to claim "significant extra expenditure" for the alleged "prestige project" – which is what has happened.

The Swabians have now lost trust in political rhetoric claiming that Stuttgart 21 is an "essential" modernization project whose failure would impair the "future capacity" of the state. They are not prepared to accept that Germany's last big public company, which receives billions of taxpayers' money annually, engages in politics that run counter to the interests of the majority.

Grassroots not trading floor

Stations, platforms and railway track must (continue) to be modernized: there is no question about that. However it shouldn't be necessary to overhaul entire city-centres, which is what will happen with Stuttgart 21, nor to pursue large-scale projects such as this at the expense of small and medium-sized stations. Railway passengers in Siegen, Sigmaringen and Soet are also entitled to well-maintained stations – and attractive access to local networks and decent long-distance connections.

This ideal, however, clashes with the investment policy of what was once Germany's largest employer. As a company PR brochure puts it: "The world of DB plc not only gets bigger every year, it also turns faster".[9] Indeed, during the "Mehdorn era", numerous acquisitions were made which were extraneous the core business of domestic rail travel. For example, the company invested in road-haulage companies both in Germany and abroad (e.g. Schenker, Hangartner and Joyau), the British freight railway EWS, the US air-and-sea freight specialists Bax Global, the Danish bus company Pan Bus, and the English regional rail operator Chiltern Railways.

Deutsche Bahn's current CEO, Rudiger Grube, who, like his predecessor, began his professional career in the automobile branch, has also internationalized the company: in August 2010 DB took over the British transport company Arriva for the grand sum of 2.8 billion euros. That it was possible make these acquisitions with the backing of the German state evinced justified criticism, given that in Germany there are currently 48 rail projects categorized as necessary in terms of transport yet impossible to finance. Protests against the investment and expansion policy of Germany's last big state-owned company is likely, therefore, to articulate itself not only in the capital city of Baden-Württemberg, but across the whole country – the first indications of this are already showing. After all, the billions of euros either wasted in Stuttgart or invested in London and Zürich are missing elsewhere. The consequences will be fatal for rail travel in Germany.


  • [1] Stuttgarter Zeitung, 12.12.2009.
  • [2] Michael Cordes, "Stuttgart 21. Über den wahren Stellenwert des Projektes für den Güterverkehr", in: Verkehrs-Rundschau, 39/2010, 20.
  • [3] Cf. Tim Engartner, Die Privatisierung der deutschen Bahn, Wiesbaden 2008, 165.
  • [4] Cf. Capital. 4/2006, 42.
  • [5] Heiner Monheim, "Immer größer, immer schneller? Warum Politik, Ingenieure, Wirtschaft und Bahn Großprojekte lieben", in Heiner Monheim / Klaus Nagorni (eds), Die Zukunft der Bahn. Zwischen Bürgernähe und Börsengang, Karlsruhe 2003, 149.
  • [6] Winfried Wolf, Die sieben Todsünden des Herrn. M, Berlin 2002, 47.
  • [7] Der Spiegel, 37/2010.
  • [8] Sebastian Fischer et al., Barrikadenrepublik Deutschland, in Spiegel Online, 5.10.2010.
  • [9] DB AG, "Menschen bewegen – Welten verbinden, Berlin 2008, 1.

Published 2010-11-17

Original in German
Translation by Simon Garnett
First published in Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 11/2010 (German version)

Contributed by Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik
© Tim Engartner / Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik
© Eurozine

Focal points     click for more

The politics of privacy
The Snowden leaks and the ensuing NSA scandal made the whole world debate privacy and data protection. Now the discussion has entered a new phase - and it's all about policy. A focal point on the politics of privacy: claiming a European value. [more]

Beyond Fortress Europe
The fate of migrants attempting to enter Fortress Europe has triggered a new European debate on laws, borders and human rights. A focal point featuring reportage alongside articles on policy and memory. With contributions by Fabrizio Gatti, Seyla Benhabib and Alessandro Leogrande. [more]

Russia in global dialogue
In the two decades after the end of the Cold War, intellectual interaction between Russia and Europe has intensified. It has not, however, prompted a common conversation. The focal point "Russia in global dialogue" seeks to fuel debate on democracy, society and the legacy of empire. [more]

Ukraine in focus
Ten years after the Orange Revolution, Ukraine is in the throes of yet another major struggle. Eurozine provides commentary on events as they unfold and further articles from the archive providing background to the situation in today's Ukraine. [more]

Eurozine BLOG

On the Eurozine BLOG, editors and Eurozine contributors comment on current affairs and events. What's behind the headlines in the world of European intellectual journals?
Victor Tsilonis
Greek bailout referendum, Euro Summit, Germope
Victor Tsilonis of "Intellectum" (Greece) comments on recent developments in the Greek crisis: the short-lived euphoria of the 5 July referendum, Alexis Tsipras's subsequent "mental waterboarding", and the outlook for a German-led Europe. [more]

Time to Talk     click for more

Time to Talk, a network of European Houses of Debate, has partnered up with Eurozine to launch an online platform. Here you can watch video highlights from all TTT events, anytime, anywhere.
Neda Deneva, Constantina Kouneva, Irina Nedeva and Yavor Siderov
Does migration intensify distrust in institutions?
How do migration and institutional mistrust relate to one another? As a new wave of populism feeds on and promotes fears of migration, aggrandising itself through the distrust it sows, The Red House hosts a timely debate with a view to untangling the key issues. [more]

Support Eurozine     click for more

If you appreciate Eurozine's work and would like to support our contribution to the establishment of a European public sphere, see information about making a donation.

Vacancies at Eurozine     click for more

There are currently no positions available.

Editor's choice     click for more

Timothy Snyder
Europe and Ukraine: Past and future
The history of Ukraine has revealed the turning points in the history of Europe. Prior to Ukraine's presidential elections in May 2014, Timothy Snyder argued cogently as to why Ukraine has no future without Europe; and why Europe too has no future without Ukraine. [more]

Literature     click for more

Karl Ove Knausgård
Out to where storytelling does not reach
To write is to write one's way through the preconceived and into the world on the other side, to see the world as children can, as fantastic or terrifying, but always rich and wide-open. Karl Ove Knausgård on creating literature. [more]

Jonathan Bousfield
Growing up in Kundera's Central Europe
Jonathan Bousfield talks to three award-winning novelists who spent their formative years in a Central Europe that Milan Kundera once described as the kidnapped West. It transpires that small nations may still be the bearers of important truths. [more]

Literary perspectives
The re-transnationalization of literary criticism
Eurozine's series of essays aims to provide an overview of diverse literary landscapes in Europe. Covered so far: Croatia, Sweden, Austria, Estonia, Ukraine, Northern Ireland, Slovenia, the Netherlands and Hungary. [more]

Debate series     click for more

Europe talks to Europe
Nationalism in Belgium might be different from nationalism in Ukraine, but if we want to understand the current European crisis and how to overcome it we need to take both into account. The debate series "Europe talks to Europe" is an attempt to turn European intellectual debate into a two-way street. [more]

Conferences     click for more

Eurozine emerged from an informal network dating back to 1983. Since then, European cultural magazines have met annually in European cities to exchange ideas and experiences. Around 100 journals from almost every European country are now regularly involved in these meetings.
Law and Border. House Search in Fortress Europe
The 26th European Meeting of Cultural Journals
Conversano, 3-6 October 2014
Eurozine's 2014 conference in southern Italy, not far from Lampedusa, addressed both EU refugee and immigration policies and intellectual partnerships across the Mediterranean. Speakers included Italian investigative journalist Fabrizio Gatti and Moroccan feminist and Nobel Peace Prize nominee Rita El Khayat. [more]

Multimedia     click for more
Multimedia section including videos of past Eurozine conferences in Vilnius (2009) and Sibiu (2007). [more]

powered by