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Zajaknuvanje na Evropskiot javen prostor


Kulturnite magazini se pobliskuu do idealen javen evropski prostor od bilo koj drug medium: Tie ovozmožuvaat forum kade politickite, filozofskite i estetskite idei se diskutirani i služat za razmena. Sepak, dosegot na tie žurnali e ogranicen.

Glavniot urednik na Eurozine se povikuva na etabliranite nacionalni vesnici koi mora da prodolžat vo sozdavanjeto na vistinskiot Evropski javen prostor. Prvoto što toa go bara e dviženjeto vo nasoka na otvorenost i volja za da se interpretiraat nivnite žurnalisticki i publicisticki odgovornosti vo svetlinata na novata situacija.

Europe talks to Europe


The European integration project has made the discussion about transnational spaces for cultural and political debate acute. Can there at all be a common Europe without a pan-European public sphere, where potentially common values and ideas can be formed and transnational political institutions can find their legitimacy?

Introduction
Europe talks to Europe: Towards a European public sphere?
Geert Lovink
Blogging, the nihilist impulse
Bernhard Peters
"Ach Europa"
Carl Henrik Fredriksson
Energizing the European public space
Leonard Novy
The silence within the Union
Thierry Chervel
Europe loses ground
Marie-Luise Knott
"That was my Beresina"
Peter Preston
Dialogue of the deaf
Peter Preston
Tomorrow the world? Unlikely
Craig Calhoun
The democratic integration of Europe
Robert Darnton, Marek Tamm
Interview with Robert Darnton
Andreas Hepp
Networks of the media
Tragikomicen , no i sangvinicen premin e Soll und Haben, poinaku kažano se raboti za zastaren epik od 19 vek od germanskiot novelist Gustav Frejtag ,vo koj se raboti za gord no neznacaen novinar od provincijata. So golema samodoverba, toj tvrdi deka uspeal da napiše statija, što ke napravi carot da se vitka od bolki vo momentot, a toa da odi vo pecat. Kolku novinari i intelektualci vo denešnite Evropski provincii se ednakvo ubedeni deka nivnite zborovi ke gi voznemirat moknicite vo Brisel i Strazbur-ili nekogo nadvor od tesniot krug na nivnite sopstveni kompatrioti.Samo nekolku.

Švedskite misliteli pišuvaat za švedskite žitateli, francuskite intelektualci pišuvaat za Francuzite, a estoncite za Estoncite. I toa e vo red. No lošo e što subjektite i perspektivite na nivnite razmisluvanja se sekogaš svojstveni i karakteristicni za nivnite sopstveni državi, Za Švedska, Francija ili Estonija.

Nasproti uspešnoto usvojuvanje na Evroto od mnogu državi, Evropeizacijata na identitetite, životnite stilovi i ramkite na izvestuvanjeto ili nastapot na zaednickiot javen prostor seušte izgleda kako dalecen son. No dolgorocnite prospekti za poveke mislovnata Evropska zaednica ja vklucuvaat itnosta na tie novi trendovi. Vo statijata za sozdavanjeto na Evropskiot identitet, Manuel Kastel ja formuliraše slednava dilema:

Changing Europe


The European Union has been far more successful than anyone expected when the Treaty of Rome was signed half a century ago, on 25 March 1957. But as political Europe turns 50, the questions about its future are as open as ever. [ more ]

Jan-Werner Müller
A "pause for thought" without the thought? Possible ways to talk about the future of the EU today
Jacques Rupnik
Anatomy of a crisis. The Referendum and the dilemmas of the enlarged European Union
Rainer Bauböck
Who are the citizens of Europe?
Timothy Snyder
Balancing the books
Slavenka Drakulic
Who's afraid of Europe? Opening address at the 14th European Meeting of Cultural Journals
Reinhold Vetter
Who are the true Europeans? Central eastern Europe and the EU crisis
Karl Schlögel
Europe tests its boundaries. A searching movement
Ales Debeljak
Elusive common dreams. The perils and hopes of a European identity
Göran Rosenberg
A pluralist democracy
Bernhard Peters
"Ach Europa". Questions about a European public space and ambiguities of the European project
Carl Henrik Fredriksson
Energizing the European public space
Ivaylo Ditchev
Crossing borders
Caroline Moorehead
Necessary lies
Georg Vobruba
Expansion without enlargement. The EU Neighbourhood Policy in the dynamic of Europe
Claus Leggewie
From neighbourhood to citizenship. EU and Turkey
Mischa Gabowitsch
At the margins of Europe. Russia and Turkey
Larry Wolff, Alexander Yanov
Is Russia a European country? A correspondence
Marco Pautasso
Ich wäre gerne European
Stig Saeterbakken
My heart belongs to Europe. Therefore it is broken
György Spiró
Commission for European Standards: Literary
Adam Michnik
Confessions of a converted dissident. Essay for the Erasmus Prize 2001
Claudio Magris
The fair of tolerance. Essay for the Erasmus Prize 2001
Georges Niangoran Bouah
Leave us alone!
Tehnologijata e nova; Ekonomijata e globalna; Državata e Evropska mreža, vo pregovori so drugi internacionalni akteri, dodeka identitetot na ludjeto e nacionalen, duri i lokalen i regionalen vo nekoi slucai. Vo demokratsko opštestvo, vakov vid na strukturalno dissonantno razbiranje može da bide neodržlivo. Evropa se integrira bez da se deli Evropskiot identitet, toa e rabotnata ponuda koga se odi dobro. Sekoja pogolema kriza, vo Evropa ili nekoja druga država , može da predizvika evropska eksplozija so nesogledivi posledici.

Taka da vo otsustvo na zaednicki identitet, nema vistinska i održliva evropska zaednica. Vo otsustvo na pan-Evropski javen prostor, ke nema zaednicki identitet. Evropskiot javen prostor bi bil podracje vo koj transnacionalnite vrednosti i principi-ili transnacionalnata praksa, ako taka sakate-bi možele da se definiraat, oformuvaat ili rasformiraat, i vo koj nadnacionalnite politicki institucii bi možele da dobijat legimitet.

Pred edna godina, eden od našite najambiciozni proekti beše da se pokrenat diskusii za zaedni~kata evropska idnina na transnacionalno nivo.

Na 31-vi maj 2003 godina, sedum Evropski vesnici objavija statii na poznati intelektualci koi go postavija prašanjeto , "Što e Evropa?". Umberto Eko pišuvaše vo La repubblica (Italija) Xani Vatiomo vo La Stampa, Adolf Mucg vo Neue Zursher Zeitung (Švajcarija), Ricard Rorti vo Sud Deutche zeitung (Germanija) i Fernando Savater vo El Pais (Španija).

Sepak, najdiskutirana beše statijata na Jirgen Habermas-koj i go inicira celiot proekt so negoviot sorabotnik Žak Drida. Franfurskiot Allgemaine zeitung i La liberation ja objavija statijata.

Dvata najvlijatelni evropski intelektualci vo posledno vreme napravija pragmaticen cekor na dobližuvanje nezavisno od nivnite medjusebni razliki i zboruvajki vo sloga, što beše samo po sebe zabeležitelen razvoj. Normalno, nivnite filozofski priodi se posebni svetovi. No i iznenaduvackata politicka konkretnost što gi odbeleža nivnite analizi.

Diskusiite za možnata fondacija za zaedniciot evropski identitet imaat možnost da se izgubat vo maglata na kulturnata i religiozna istorija. Neopredeleniot poim na demokratijata i slobodata rasne sekogaš, možebi poveke amorfno koga govorlivite klasi sugeriraat deka Evropa ima nekakov vid na patent nad niv. Predizvikot prepoznaen od poveketo ludje koi težneat kon definiranje na edna jasna karakteristika koja može da ja drži Evropa zaedno, se cini deka e evociranje na eden vid na povtorno madjepsuvanje, nacin da se frli mitološki i tainstven sjaj vrz kontinentot kojšto e sveden samo na ekonomski proekt. Praznotijata na simbolite bukvalno te udira po glava, koga ke gi pogledneš nepreciznite arhitektonski motivi na evro banknotite. Kade možeš da go najdeš evropskiot identitet vo nebulozniot viadukt na banknotata od pet evra? Dali sodrži kakva bilo emotivna rezonanca ili simbolicka gustina? Kakvi kolektivni soništa evocira? Kakvi soništa može da ponese?

Od taa gledna tocka, tekstot na Habermas/Derida e cudo na postoeckata sovremena istorija. Interesno kolku i analizite i zaklucocite na slucuvanjata sami po sebe. Toa beše eden vid na intervencija, manifest na performansot koe placeše za takov vid na tekst.

Javniot prostor vo taa smisla gi zema dvete stari popularni dviženja i novite NVO koi kako etablirani institucii ne se dokažaa sposobni da ja popolnat nivnata originalna potreba. No nivnite eminentni nosaci se seušte radioto, televizijata, vesnicite i magazinite-digitalnite no i onie drugite. Ako Habermas gi posoci Anti-Voenite demonstracii od 15 februari 2003 kako signal za Evropskiot javen prostor koj gi vklucuva i ulicite, negoviot manifest beše isto taka i obid za voskresnuvanje na negovoto mediumsko dopolnuvanje. No ovaa inicijativa se pokaža i kako neuspeh vo toj respekt. Transnacionalnata diskusija beše vpecatliva po nejzinata otsutnost. Namesto toa bevme tretirani so nova demonstracija na nacin kade javniot govor padna vo založništvo na nacionalnite i jazicnite podelbi.

Špancite se koncetriraa na tekstot na Savater, Italija na Eko i Vatiomo. Iako najodgovoren od site, germanskiot pecat pokaža mal interes na toa što beše napišano vo italijanskite i španskite vesnici. Državite koi ne bea involvirani vo izdavanjeto na originalnite tekstovi ne bea voopšto zainteresirani. Nemaše ni zbor vo Financial Times na primer.

Nasproti golemite pretenzii, inicijativata na Habermas beše tipicen primer za poteškotiite so koi se sudira moderniot Babilon koi odat od imeto na Evropa vo etabliranjeto na transnacionalniot prostor za razmisluvanje.

Ima ušte mnogu takvi primeri.

Takvi aspiracii se ilustrirani vo sudbinata na Evropskiot proekt iniciran od novinarskiot magnat Robert Maksvel vo 1990 godina pod mototo "Prv Evropski nacionalen vesnik". So svojata golemina , vesnikot imaše tiraž od 180.000 primeroci od koi poveke od polovinata vo Velika Britanija. Tiražot vo Švedska, edna od evropskite državi kade proektot privlece dosta vnimanie, nikogaš ne pomina poveke od 5.000 primeroci so nivoto na etabliranite, no "Mali" i "elitisticki" magazini, kako Ord&Bild i Arena. Vo sredinata na 90-tite, Endrju Nil go prestori "European" vo nedelnik koj možeše isto da se vika i "The Anti-European". Konecno, vesnikot zgasna, žalen samo od nekolku ludje i daleku poveke svetlosni godini od originalnata vizija na se-evropski magazin namenet za poširoka citatelska publika. Ludosta koja traeše odvaj edna dekada, imaše zagubi od okolu 70 milioni funti.

Koga eminentnata dvojazicna germansko-francuska televiziska stanica Arte skoro go proslavuvaše nejziniot 10 rodenden so seta svoja slava i dobieni ni poveke ni pomalku od 1260 dobieni nagradi. No taa se ušte e daleku od celta da dobie makar 1 procent del od marketot. Iako gordiot slogan na Arte e "Evropa gleda televizija" nivnite napori za pronaodjanje na tret golem partner-podaleku od Germanija i Francija ne vrodija so plod. Duri i vo ovie dve državi, kanalot ne dobi nekakov vid zaštiten znak na seto ona što bi moželo da odgovara na Evropskiot javen prostor. Teško deka se zboruva za koincidencija da kulturnite i politickite žurnali se potrudija da napravat statii na Habermas koi ke bidat prevedeni za potrebite na Švedskite, Turskite, Slovenskite ili -pred nekoj den Polskite citateli. Ovaa e forma- media segment koja najveke se dobliži do idealot na Evropskiot javen prostor. Tie širat politicki, filozofski, estetski i kulturni idei od jazik do jazik, vnatre, no i nadvor od transnacionalnite izdavacki mreži. Le monde diplomatique, koj glavno se izdava vo Francija ima izdanija na recisi 20 razlicni jazici. Iako pomalku sihronizirani, Lettre international, e drug primer. Eurozin mrežata ima okolu 50 partnerski publikacii, kako i 60 drugi koi se medjusebno povrzani, na primer za razmena na materijali i idei. No dodeka intelektualnite tekstovi što se prevedeni i distribuirani vnatre ili nadvor od Eurozine mrežata može da imaat totalna cirkulacija od 1 milion , kosmopolitizmot na kulturnite žurnali i e mal po obim. Tie prestavuvaat delumen javen prostor, a nivniot pogled e krajno limitiran i tie ne prestavuvaat forum kade može da se formira javnototo mislenje. Mesto kade site važni prašanja može da se oformat i diskutiraat do najsiten detal. Javniot prostor kade evropskiot identitet ke služi kako osnova za legitimacija na novite transnacionalni politiki mora da bide vo poširoka smisla. Kako zaklucok se cini deka tamu ima samo edna pateka otvorena za povrzuvanje na predizvikot od heterogenite kolektivi so nacionalno orientirani gledaci, slušateli, citateli. Evropskiot javen prostor proširen na veke etablirani nacionalni medii, cii prevodi-na dvata jazika i kontekstot-ke ponudi na site stranski misliteli i koncepti mesto na masata kade švedskite, francuskite i estonskite citateli ke se custvuvaat kako doma. Seroiznite vesnici kako Dagens Nyheter, Le monde i Postimees imaat odlucuvacka uloga. No sekoj moment vo ovaa nasoka ke traži otvorenost vo delot na vodeckite mediumi, koi ušte imaat raspoloženie i volja da gi interpetiraat nivnite novinarski i publicisticki odgovornosti vo svetlinata na novata opštestvena situacija, vsušnost kompletno nova situacija. Kako što kaža Kastells, državata e evropska mreža, imot koj mora da gi redefinira svoite zadaci. Nitu eden švedski intelektualec ne ponudi koherentna analiza na provokativniot manifest na Habermas. Naš možen zaklucok e deka švedskite intelektualci se napušteni vo svoite dolžnosti, no i poveke kako posledica na možnosta na vodeckite švedski mediumi da zabeležat i da se vklucat vo diskusija koja zapocnuva nadvor od nivnata država.

Namesto mešavinaat od zavist (format i prestiž') i prezir (tiraž i vlijanie), nacionalnite vesnici vo cela Evropa bi možele da prezemat inicijativa i napor za sorabotka što bi moželo da gi otvori vratite na poširokiot svet. Toa bi znacelo povtorno pecatenje na statijite od nepovrzanite magazini ili zaednicki dogovor so stranski publikaciic i toa ne samo so angliski. Da, toa e veke napraveno -ovde i tamu , no potencijalot e daleku od toa da bide realiziran. So takov potez, bi se zajaknal potencijalot na magazinite za konstruiranje na transnacionalen javen prostor. Za toa vreme pogolemite vesnici bi imale pogolemi vložuvanja vo svojata odgovornost kako kriticki forumi za oformuvanje na javno mislenje vo svet kade vodeckite misliteli nema veke da se delat vo bilo koja zemja-bilo toa da e Švedska, Francija ili Estonija. Posebno koga doadja do sozdavanje na izdavacki mreži koi ja preminuvaat granicata, dnevnite vesnici imaat mnogu što da naucat od magazinite.

Evropskiot javen prostor može da bide primer za obedineta Evropa, no edinstvoto ne bi trebalo da bide izmešano so uniformnosta. Naprotiv. rabotata ne e da Švedjanite gi naterate da pišuvaat kako Estonci, ili Estoncite kako Germanci. Se e vo serioznoto prifakanje na razni~nosta i sozdavanje prostor za novi perspektivi- nezavisno od toa dali se raboti za zbor ili za misla. Samo takvo bogatstvo i sloboden dijalog možat -možebi da sozdadat zaednicki identitet i da go stavat toa kako dokaz. Nie se ušte možeme da se smeeme na švedskata prepiska od tipot na prepiskata na Gustav Frejtag za eden provinciski novinar, urednik vo lokalniot vesnik Smelands Allexanda koj insistiraše za negovoto mesto vo poširokata javna sfera so toa što Bizmark go rekol: "Nie veke go predupredivme Germanskiot kancelar protiv nepopuštanjeto vo negovata momentna politika, i nie sega go povtoruvame toa predupreduvanje..."

Da, možebi e smešno, no tamu nema odrekuvanje deka takvata drskost ima i nekakvo baranje.


 



Published 2005-08-12


Original in Swedish
Translation by Igor Masevski
First published in Roots 10 (2004) (Macedonian version)

Contributed by Roots
© Carl Henrik Fredriksson/Roots
© Eurozine
 

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