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Skupinski samomor?


Po besedah Franza Hinkelammerta Zahod spet in spet zapada iluziji, da mora poskusiti rešiti svet, s tem da ga del uniči. To je odrešilno in žrtveno uničevanje v imenu potrebe po radikalni materializaciji vseh možnosti, ki jih odpira določena družbena in politična realnost, nad katero naj bi imel popoln nadzor. Tako je bilo v kolonializmu z genocidom staroselskih ljudstev in z afriškimi sužnji. Tako je bilo v obdobju imperialističnih bojev, ki so zahtevali na milijone smrti v dveh svetovnih in mnogih drugih kolonialnih vojnah. Tako je bilo v stalinizmu z gulagi in v nacizmu s holokavstom. In tako je danes v neoliberalizmu s kolektivnim žrtvovanjem obrobja in celo polobrobja svetovnega sistema. Ob vojni proti Iraku je primerno vprašanje, ali je to, kar se dogaja, nova genocidna in žrtvena iluzija in kakšen je lahko njen domet. Predvsem pa je smiselno vprašanje, ali ni ta nova iluzija napoved radikalizacije in skrajnega sprevrženja zahodne iluzije: uničenja vsega človeštva v iluziji, da gre za njegovo rešitev.

Žrtveni genocid izhaja iz totalitarne iluzije, ki se kaže v prepričanju, da današnja realnost nima alternativ in da so problemi in težave, s katerimi se srečuje, posledica nesposobnosti, da bi pripeljali njeno logiko razvoja do končnih konsekvenc. Če v tretjem svetu vladajo brezposelnost, lakota in smrt, to ni posledica neuspehov na trgu, ampak dejstva, da zakoni trga niso bili v celoti upoštevani. Če obstaja terorizem, vzrok za to niso okoliščine, ki ga porajajo, ampak to, da niso bili uporabljeni ukrepi skrajnega nasilja za fizično odstranitev vseh teroristov in potencialnih teroristov.

Ta politična logika temelji na predpostavki popolne oblasti in znanja ter na radikalnem zavračanju alternativ in je v želji po neskončnem reproduciranju statusa quo ultrakonzervativna. Vrojena ji je predstava o koncu zgodovine. V zadnjih sto letih je Zahod izkusil tri različice te logike in tako doživel tri različice konca zgodovine: stalinizem z logiko neprekosljive učinkovitosti načrta; nacizem z logiko rasne večvrednosti; in neoliberalizem z logiko neprekosljive učinkovitosti trga. Prvi dve obdobji sta vključevali uničenje demokracije. Zadnje demokracijo trivializira in jo razorožuje pred družbenimi akterji, ki so dovolj močni, da lahko v svojo korist privatizirajo državne in mednarodne ustanove. To situacijo sem opisal kot kombinacijo politične demokracije in družbenega fašizma. V tem času se ta kombinacija med drugim manifestira v dejstvu, da izredno močno protivojno javno mnenje vsega sveta očitno ne zmore ustaviti vojnega stroja, ki so ga domnevno demokratični voditelji že pognali v tek.

V vseh teh trenutkih prevladuje nekakšen smrtonosni zanos, neko katastrofično junaštvo, predstava o grozečem skupinskem samomoru, ki ga lahko prepreči samo množično uničenje drugega. Paradoksalno je, da čim širša je definicija drugega in učinkovitost njegovega uničenja, tem verjetnejši postane skupinski samomor. V svoji žrtveni genocidni različici je neoliberalizem mešanica radikalizacije trga, neokonzervatizma in krščanskega fundamentalizma. Njegov smrtonosni zagon se pojavlja v različnih oblikah od ideje o "pogrešljivih populacijah", ki se nanaša na državljane tretjega sveta, ki jih ni mogoče izkoriščati kot delavce in potrošnike, do pojma "kolateralne škode", nanašajočega se na tisoče smrti nedolžnih civilistov zaradi vojne. Pri zadnjem, katastrofičnem, junaštvu sta popolnoma jasni dve dejstvi: po zanesljivih predvidevanjih nevladne organizacije MEDACT iz Londona bo med vojno in v treh mesecih po njej umrlo med 48 000 in 260 000 civilistov (v primeru, da ne bo državljanske vojne ali jedrskega napada); vojna bo stala 100 milijard dolarjev - vsoto, s katero bi lahko pokrili štiriletne potrebe zdravstva najrevnejših držav sveta.

Se je temu smrtonosnemu zanosu mogoče upreti? Zavedati se moramo, da je bilo žrtveno uničenje zgodovinsko vedno povezano z ekonomskim plenjenjem naravnih virov in delovne sile, z imperialnimi načrti radikalnega spreminjanja pogojev gospodarskih, družbenih, političnih in kulturnih izmenjav zaradi padanja učinkovitosti, ki ga je terjala maksimalistična logika delujoče totalitarne iluzije. Tako je, kot bi vladajoče sile spet in spet - takrat ko so v vzponu ali ko njihova moč pojema - doživljale obdobja primarne akumulacije in uzakonjale najsramotnejše nasilje v imenu prihodnosti, kjer za tisto, kar mora biti uničeno, po definiciji ni prostora. V današnji različici je obdobje primarne akumulacije kombiniranje neoliberalne ekonomske globalizacije z globalizacijo vojne. Mehanizem demokracije in svobode se spreminja v mehanizem groze in uničenja.

Nasproti temu poteka globalizacijsko gibanje od spodaj, globalni boj za socialno pravičnost, ki ga vodijo družbena gibanja in nevladne organizacije; zgovorna manifestacija tega boja je Svetovni socialni forum. SSF je izjemna potrditev življenja v najširšem pomenu, ki vključuje vse in zajema tako človeška bitja kot naravo. Kakšni izzivi ga čakajo ob vedno tesnejšem prepletanju globalizacije gospodarstva in globalizacije vojne?

Prepričan sem, da ta nova situacija sili globalizacijo od spodaj k ponovnemu razmisleku o sami sebi in k preoblikovanju prioritet. Znano je, da je SSF na svojem drugem srečanju leta 2002 ugotovil povezavo med ekonomskim neoliberalizmom in imperialnim vojnim hujskaštvom in prav zato organiziral Svetovni mirovni forum, katerega druga izdaja se je zgodila v letu 2003. Vendar to ni dovolj. Po mojem mnenju je potreben strateški premik. Družbena gibanja morajo, ne glede na svoja področja bojevanja, dati prednost boju za mir kot nujen pogoj za uspeh vseh drugih bojev. To pomeni, da morajo biti v prvih vrstah bojevnikov za mir in ne tega mesta preprosto prepuščati zgolj mirovniškim gibanjem. Vsa gibanja proti neoliberalistični globalizaciji so poslej tudi gibanja za mir. Smo sredi četrte svetovne vojne (tretja je bila hladna vojna) in spirala vojn se bo še in še odvijala. Načelo nenasilja, zapisano v ustanovni listini SSF-ja, ne sme več biti samo zahteva za gibanja; zdaj mora biti globalna zahteva, ki jo postavljajo gibanja. Ta poudarek je v trenutnih okoliščinah nujen, če se hočemo postaviti po robu vrtoglavemu skupinskemu samomoru in slaviti življenje. Mir, za katerega se moramo boriti, je več kot samo odsotnost vojne ali terorizma. To je mir, ki bo temeljil na eliminaciji okoliščin, ki kotijo vojno in terorizem: globalnih krivic, izključitev iz družbe, kulturne in politične diskriminacije ter zatiranja in imperialističnega pohlepa.

Nad zahodnimi iluminističnimi abstrakcijami in onstran njih je mogoče zgraditi nov, kozmopolitski humanizem, humanizem resničnih judi, ki bo temeljil na konkretnem odporu proti dejanskemu človeškemu trpljenju, ki ga povzroča resnična os zla: neoliberalizem plus vojna.


 



Published 2003-09-08


Original in Portuguese
Translation by Maja Kraigher
Contributed by Sodobnost
© Sodobnost
© Eurozine
 

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