Latest Articles


18.05.2012
Bo Isenberg

Critique and crisis

Reinhart Koselleck's thesis of the genesis of modernity

The modern consciousness as crisis: Reinhart Koselleck's study of the origins of critique in the Enlightenment and its role in the revolutionary developments of the late eighteenth century is a work of historical hermeneutics whose relevance remains undiminished. [ more ]

16.05.2012
Claus Leggewie

Continuities denied

11.05.2012
Mykola Riabchuk

Raiders' state

10.05.2012
Ramón González Férriz

Talking about my generation


New Issues


Eurozine Review


09.05.2012
Eurozine Review

Sudden and slow-acting poisons

"Mittelweg 36" re-reads Jean Améry on torture; "Free Speech Debate" takes on hate speech laws and superinjunctions; "Esprit" enters the French debate on incest; "New Humanist" says rationalism won't stop witch hunters; "Merkur" makes the case for binding quotas for women; "Wespennest" calls for more women essayists; "Osteuropa" considers the future of European security; "Lettera internazionale" decolonizes the European mind; and "Sarajevo Notebook" seeks out the golden oldies of Roma pop.

18.04.2012
Eurozine Review

Not a Prospero in sight

21.03.2012
Eurozine Review

To hell in a handbasket

07.03.2012
Eurozine Review

There's no neutrality of living



http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2011-05-02-newsitem-en.html
http://mitpress.mit.edu/0262025248
http://www.eurozine.com/about/who-we-are/contact.html
http://www.n-ost.org
http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2009-12-02-newsitem-en.html

My Eurozine


If you want to be kept up to date, you can subscribe to Eurozine's rss-newsfeed or our Newsletter.

Articles
Share |


America's dilemma

After the Iraq invasion, Americans are faced with an impossible choice on how to judge their government's "pre-emptive" war doctrine, argues George Blecher.

Underneath the self-righteous rhetoric and saber-rattling, the US has offered two basic reasons for its invasion of Iraq: to rid Iraq of a tyrannical regime and introduce Western-style democracy, and to confiscate weapons of mass destruction. (This isn't to say that there aren't unstated motives, like the wish to control Iraqi oil, to outflank Syria and Lebanon, etc. but let's set these aside for the moment.) If we want a picture not of the morality of the invasion but of its possible consequences, I think it's worthwhile examining the credibility of these goals, rather than mouthing them uncritically (on the Right) or rejecting them as blatant imperialism (on the Left).

As for the first goal: nobody questions that Saddam Hussein's regime was cruel and oppressive, though it also has to be said that it maintained an uneasy cohesiveness in a region prone to religious and tribal conflict. (Tito did it much better in ex-Yugoslavia.) Whether any country has a right to invade another because it disapproves of the other's government is of course another question, and the US's past record in supporting democratic movements over tyrants and dictators has been poor. Perhaps most important, one has to question the US's ability to introduce democracy to other countries when its own has been compromised in a myriad of ways over the last 50 years.

Be that as it may, the deed is done, and the more immediate question is whether the US's presence will bring political improvement in Iraq.

In the case of Japan and South Korea, both of whose governments were shaped by direct US control in the past century, I think that one would have to say yes, the introduction of democratic institutions in these countries did represent a step toward ideals that most of us believe in-equality, political representation, increase of personal liberties. In the Philippines the experiment was less successful. In Afghanistan it may be too early to judge, but so far the results haven't been impressive. In Iraq the prognosis doesn't seem to me particularly promising. Just today, Shiite leaders boycotted the first US-arranged meeting of political factions– one tiny suggestion of how powerful past resentments are in Iraq. Given the lack of any dynamic unifying figure or political party, one senses that the vacuum in Iraq may not be filled by democracy but by religious fundamentalists and virulent anti-Western voices, which will have the effect of keeping the occupying forces there for a long, long time– in the vain hope that things will eventually quiet down and start to look like the West.

The US's second goal-to get rid of weapons of mass destruction-is directly related to two political events: Saddam's invasion of Kuwait, and September 11, 2001.

Perhaps to gain time and build up armaments after his Kuwait fiasco, but more likely to impress his own people, Saddam played David to the US's Goliath for the last 12 years with a good deal of verve and imagination. He resisted full disclosure, limited the number of weapons inspectors, and successfully stalled for time. Norman Mailer described his behavior in a recent article in The New York Review of Books:

[Saddam] understood that the longer one could delay powerful statesmen, the more they might weary of the soul-deadening boredom of dealing with a consummate liar who was artfully free of all the bonds of obligation and cooperation.

And it worked as long as the superpower felt invincible; though annoying (and politically damaging, because of the effects of economic boycotts on the Iraqi people), Saddam's antics weren't truly threatening to the US. September 11 changed all that. Suddenly the Empire found itself vulnerable, and realized that everyone else knew it, too.

Given this new vulnerability, the future looks distressingly dark. Like any empire sensing its mortality, the US will most likely grow more and more paranoid, angrier and angrier, and also more and more beset not by one David, but by several. The term "pre-emptive war" will become more and more familiar. Perhaps it will turn out that Saddam had no weapons of mass destruction, but in the case of biological or chemical weapons it takes no great amount of money or scientific skills to produce them, and sooner or later they will be used as a threat against the US. Since Vietnam, the US has found itself acting out a script in which there are no acceptable alternatives: if it acts macho, it, like Rome, Great Britain and France to name just a few fallen empires, will have troops occupying 2/3's of the world; if it resists flexing its muscles, as it did after the Gulf War, it will find itself being snipped at by factions expressing resentment in a hundred different ways. This appears to be the destiny of all Big Powers, the awareness of which one senses behind both the bravado of Donald Rumsfeld and the reserve of Colin Powell.

In a sense, the real tragedy lies not with America but with Americans, who will eventually face an impossible personal dilemma: whether to defend, either physically or rhetorically, a political/military stance that they don't quite approve of, or watch passively as the Empire declines.

 



Published 2003-04-23


Original in English
Contributed by Varlik
© Varlik
© Eurozine
 

Focal points     click for more

The EU: Broken or just broke?

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/focalpoints/eurocrisis.html
Brought on by the global economic recession, the eurocrisis has been exacerbated by serious faults built into the monetary union. In a new Eurozine focal point, contributors discuss whether the EU is not only broke, but also broken -- and if so, whether Europe's leaders are up to the task of fixing it. [more]

European histories (2): Concord and conflict

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/focalpoints/eurohistories2.html
Broadening the question of a common European narrative beyond the East-West divide. How are contested interpretations of historical and recent events activated in the present, uniting and dividing European societies? [more]

Changing media -- Media in change

Media change is about more than just the "newspaper crisis" and the iPad: property law, privacy, free speech and the functioning of the public sphere are all affected. On a field experiencing profound and constant transformation. [more]

Support Eurozine     click for more

If you appreciate Eurozine's work and would like to support our contribution to the establishment of a European public sphere, see information about making a donation.

Editor's choice     click for more

Slavenka Drakulic
The tune of the future
Italy: old Europe, new Europe, changing Europe

http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2012-03-15-drakulic-en.html
Travelling around Italy, Slavenka Drakulic observes one kind of Europe being replaced by another. Instead of attempting to conserve the cultural past, we should accept that migration will adapt much of what we consider "European" to its own image. [more]

Klaus-Michael Bogdal
Europe invents the Gypsies
The dark side of modernity

Social segregation, cultural appropriation: the six-hundred-year history of the European Roma, as recorded in literature and art, represents the underside of the European subject's self-invention as agent of civilising progress in the world. [more]

George Prevelakis
Greece: The history behind the collapse

Greece's economic crisis has its roots in a political pact dating back to the foundation of the modern state. The threat posed to Europe by the Greek breakdown is less contagion than a wave of anti-western feeling. [more]

Debate series     click for more

Europe talks to Europe

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/europetalkstoeurope.html
Nationalism in Belgium might be different from nationalism in Ukraine, but if we want to understand the current European crisis and how to overcome it we need to take both into account. The debate series "Europe talks to Europe" is an attempt to turn European intellectual debate into a two-way street. [more]

Literature     click for more

Steve Sem-Sandberg
Even nameless horrors must be named

http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2011-09-23-semsandberg-en.html
It is high time to lift the aesthetic state of emergency that has surrounded witness literature for so long, writes Steve Sem-Sandberg. It is not important who writes, nor even what their motives are. What counts is the "literary efficiency". [more]

Literary perspectives
The re-transnationalization of literary criticism

Eurozine's series of essays aims to provide an overview of diverse literary landscapes in Europe. Covered so far: Croatia, Sweden, Austria, Estonia, Ukraine, Northern Ireland, Slovenia, the Netherlands and Hungary. [more]

Behind the headlines     click for more

Mykola Riabchuk
Tymoshenko: Wake-up call for the EU

The EU shouldn't be surprised by the Tymoshenko verdict: its support of anything nominally reformist has been perceived as acceptance of a range of repressions, argues Mykola Riabchuk. [more]

Conferences     click for more

Eurozine emerged from an informal network dating back to 1983. Since then, European cultural magazines have met annually in European cities to exchange ideas and experiences. Around 100 journals from almost every European country are now regularly involved in these meetings.
Arrivals/Departures: European harbour cities as places of migration
The 24th European Meeting of Cultural Journals
Hamburg, 14-16 September 2012

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/hamburg2012.html
Harbour cities as places of movement, of immigration and emigration, as places of inclusion and exclusion, develop distinct modes of being that not only reflect different cultural traditions and political and social self-conceptions, but also communicate how they see themselves as part of the structure that is "Europe". The 2012 Eurozine conference will explore how European societies deal variously with the cultural legacy of the "harbour city". [more]

Multimedia     click for more

http://www.eurozine.com/comp/multimedia.html
Multimedia section including videos of past Eurozine conferences in Vilnius (2009) and Sibiu (2007). [more]


powered by publick.net